Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(New York Times) Jeffrey Gettleman - Elhadj Maiga is a Gaddafi recruiter, scrambling to assemble a pipeline of young men from Mali to go and fight for The Great Leader. "We're all ready to die for him," Maiga said. "He's done so much for us, after all." Maiga prays at a mosque that Gaddafi built; he watches television on the Malian national network that Gaddafi set up in the 1980s; and he admires the gleaming new $100 million Mali government complex that Gaddafi is helping pay for. Gaddafi has bought allegiance in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa through investments in governments, rebel groups, luxury hotels, Islamic organizations, rubber factories, rice paddies, diamond mines, supermarkets and countless OiLibya gas stations. Many members of the nomadic Touaregs, who roam across the deserts of Mali, Niger, Algeria and Libya, see Gaddafi as their champion. When thousands of Touaregs fled into Libya in the 1970s and 1980s, Gaddafi welcomed them with open arms and trained them as soldiers. Touareg elders say that many of the so-called African mercenaries Gaddafi is now relying on to suppress the revolts are actually Touaregs who have been serving in the Libyan Army for years. 2011-03-17 00:00:00Full Article
Libyan Oil Buys Allies for Gaddafi
(New York Times) Jeffrey Gettleman - Elhadj Maiga is a Gaddafi recruiter, scrambling to assemble a pipeline of young men from Mali to go and fight for The Great Leader. "We're all ready to die for him," Maiga said. "He's done so much for us, after all." Maiga prays at a mosque that Gaddafi built; he watches television on the Malian national network that Gaddafi set up in the 1980s; and he admires the gleaming new $100 million Mali government complex that Gaddafi is helping pay for. Gaddafi has bought allegiance in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa through investments in governments, rebel groups, luxury hotels, Islamic organizations, rubber factories, rice paddies, diamond mines, supermarkets and countless OiLibya gas stations. Many members of the nomadic Touaregs, who roam across the deserts of Mali, Niger, Algeria and Libya, see Gaddafi as their champion. When thousands of Touaregs fled into Libya in the 1970s and 1980s, Gaddafi welcomed them with open arms and trained them as soldiers. Touareg elders say that many of the so-called African mercenaries Gaddafi is now relying on to suppress the revolts are actually Touaregs who have been serving in the Libyan Army for years. 2011-03-17 00:00:00Full Article
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